Copy to clipboard. BibTeX Zotero. Monographs Pages. Download immediately. Hardcover for Shipping in approx. Prelude 1. Impending war 2. Mobilization 3. To the front Chapter 2. Military operations 1. Tannenberg and the Masurian Lakes 2. The Carpathian winter war 8. Gorlice 9.
Sochaczew: the Ypres of the East The aftermath of Gorlice Chapter 3. The army takes over 1. The last days of peace and the first days of war 2. Gossip 3. Spies Chapter 4. The Prussian Partition 1. Berlin and the Poles 2. The war economy 3. Russian troops in East Prussia Chapter 5.
Russian Galicia 1. The capture of Galicia 2. The new order 3. The getaway Chapter 6. Austrian Galicia 1. Treachery 2. Evacuation 3. Winning back Galicia 4. The Poles sidelined 5.
Demolition and restoration 6. Civic Galicia 7. Polish politics, Ukrainian politics 8. Fighting for Poland Chapter 7.
The Russian Kingdom of Poland 1. Poles and Russians 2. The scorched earth policy 4. Enforced migration Chapter 8. The Kingdom of Poland under German and Austrian rule 1.
Occupation 2. Domestic and foreign relief organizations 3. The Church 4. German and Austrian administration 5. The Polonization of symbolic space 6.
Polish attitudes to occupation 7. The Act of the Fifth of November 8. Homecomings The economy Chapter 9. On the way to final outcomes 1. Ober-Ost 2. Brest-Litovsk 3. Politik und Polemik Frankfurt a. Potrait einer politischen Kultur Munich: List, , p. Klaus Zernack and Karin Friedrich. Polsko-Niemieckie, , pp. Wilhelm v. Gavriel D. Zbigniew Mazur ed. Gelazis, and Blair A. See the collection of essays: Basil Kerski ed. Under the Emperor Napoleon, as under Louis Philippe , French efforts on behalf of Poland were rather harmless.
There are no such efforts visible now. European policy is too preoccupied with the events of and to be concerned with Poland. Nevertheless, the struggle for existence between the two nations, which are allotted the same hearth, goes on unabated, one could even say, continues with strengthened forces. The era of peace has not been an era of reconciliation and accommodation on the Polish side.
Strange to say, it is not as many foreigners and our own optimists believe that the German population has been the victor in the struggle and that Germanism advances. Rather, the opposite is the case. The Polish population makes indubitable progress. And we ask ourselves how this can be so, given the allegedly great support which the German element has received from the government. Indeed, gentlemen, this perhaps instructs us that the support given the Poles by the opposition [German political forces] is stronger than that which the government can render according to the current constitution.
But the fact is that the Poles can say of themselves: Vexilla regis prodeunt the banners of the king go forward. This is beyond doubt. When I think about the reasons for this, there comes to mind the Catholic department [of the Prussian government] which, until its abolition by my direct intervention as minister-president, possessed the character of a Polonizing organ inside the Prussian administration.
Unrest in the Center Party and among the Poles. Under the direction of Herr Kraetzig--I hope he lives still, it had become an institute of a few great Polish families, in whose service these officials pushed Polonization in all the contested German-Polish districts. That is why it became necessary for me to agree to the abolition of this department.
And this is actually the reason I generally concurred in the Kulturkampf. Vigorous contradictions from the Center Party. Yes, gentlemen, say what you will. I leave you to your doubts. There will be a few who will believe me, but I am rather indifferent as to whether anyone believes me.
Yet, for anyone who wants to be informed, it is necessary for me to give my personal opinion. The person who drew me into the Kulturkampf was Herr Kraetzig, the chairman of the Catholic department, which was formed in the Prussian bureaucracy to protect the rights of the king and the church. However, it developed under the king's authority and seal an exclusive activity in the direction of protecting the rights of the Roman church as well as Polish machinations against the king.
And for that reason it had to be dissolved. A second explanation for the progress of the Poles lies in the introduction of the national constitution and the laws regarding the press and the right of association which facilitated the agitation. The Polish gentlemen have not been shy about exploiting all the laws introduced in the German Empire and Prussia. On their side they do not recognize [these laws]. They recognize their membership in Prussia only conditionally, and to be sure [feel free to terminate membership] on twenty-four hour notice.
Today, if they had the opportunity to proceed against us and were strong enough to do so, they would not even give us twenty-four hour notice but simply let loose, without any notice. Great unrest among the Poles. Yes, gentlemen, if any of you can give his word of honor that this is not true great merriment , that all the gentlemen will stay at home if the opportunity presents itself to march out with your guerilla bands, then I shall take back my assertion But I demand your word of honor.
And giving it to me would be an error, gentlemen. We are not really so stupid; at least I am not. The national constitution gave strong incentive to the various parties which are always ready to combat the government under any circumstance.
Among these negative types can be found a considerable number, in certain circumstances even a majority, in the Reichstag. This majority is quite incapable of constituting a positive government. Its leading principle in recent cases is to support bills put forward by the Polish and Social Democratic factions which are then supported by the rest which I can well call inimical and nihilist--and I am not employing an insulting designation here.
I mean only those groups which under all circumstances not only combat the government but also negate the institutions of the Empire Those who do not want to cooperate in the defense of the state do not belong to the state.
They have no rights in the state. They should withdraw from the state. We are no longer so barbaric as to drive them out, but this would be the right answer to give against all those who negate the state and its institutions. All the protection accorded them by the state which they negate should be withdrawn from them. In the old German Empire this was called "the ban. But there are no grounds to give rights in the state to those who recognize no obligations to it.
These leanings in the other parties are just as dangerous, relatively, as those I ascribe to the Polish opposition. If the two million Poles stood completely alone, I would not fear them; this applies also to the million Upper Silesians although their hostility against the Prussian state is not as well developed as the leaders of the agitation would wish. But in the leanings of other states and other parties which negate the state and also combat it, there is forming a considerable power, a majority.
I can see little future salvation for the further development of the German Empire in this Prussia, with designs on the Kingdom of Saxony, was willing to cede part of its booty from the partitions of , , and , retaining only the western provinces.
Poland was redistributed, with Russia getting the lion's share. The official languages were German and Polish; the province was administered by German and Polish noblemen. The commission, dominated by liberal opponents of the king and his government, heard Bismarck remind them of their failure to create a united Germany in His speech ended with the taunt that history was made, not through majority decisions of parliamentarians, but by "blood and iron.
The government sought to wean the Catholic masses away from the hierarchy and the Catholic political party, the Zentrum. The state intervened directly into church affairs, arrested resisting clergymen, and left many parishes without priests. Bismarck's attempt to dismantle political Catholicism backfired and instead resulted in its strengthening.
Until , the Center, and later its Bavarian branch, sent approximately one hundred deputies to the Reichstag in every election.
It was impossible for the government to govern for any length of time without coming to terms with the Zentrum.
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