Many if not most journalists not just taxpayer-funded ones echo the opinions of the elites, whom they tend to use as sources. The difference here is taxpayer involvement.
Problems inevitably arise when taxpayers are asked to fund the work of journalists. Teaching children to count can be done in a neutral fashion, as can a cultural series on Shakespeare. The nature of public affairs itself, however, tends toward politicization. A documentary on the Vietnam War or climate change will by necessity involve opinion. The problems become all the more acute when one side of the political spectrum perceives persistent bias. Conservatives make up an infinitesimally small portion of the audience for public broadcasting.
Each time funding cuts are proposed, public broadcasting institutions tout their educational role. Government paying for news for Americans to consume damages freedom of the press. The money is not insignificant. The Paris climate accord, championed by NPR, is a case in point.
President Obama, in league with foreign leaders[17], refused to submit it to Senate confirmation. Thus, by repeating the mantra of a global elite, public broadcasters perversely limit the choices of the people coercively taxed to fund them.
Only an in-depth look at the trends and events that led up to the Public Broadcasting Act of , the hearings and debates that were part of it during the Johnson Administration, and the creation of the institutions under the Nixon Administration can provide the proper context for what is needed today. This unhealthy nexus between taxpayer funding and journalism has been a feature, not a bug, of public broadcasting from the start. The Act had a noble pedigree.
The belief by these Boston Brahmins that much of America was a cultural Appalachia upon which the New England habits of self-improvement could be imposed found a niche in the revolutionary new media of the 20 th century.
But this history also contains the roots of something less palatable: a sometimes patronizing approach perhaps also harking back to the sneering patricians , which rankles many Americans.
Rush Limbaugh is public broadcasting. The Act that Johnson signed into law on Nov. The Act begins,. Educational radio stations had been sprouting for decades, an outgrowth of this broader philanthropic trend to foster public education. This announcement in the Harvard Crimson on Oct. This rigorous drive to self-improvement clearly transferred to the educational broadcasting stations. It seemed natural that broadcasting stations would find their homes in institutions created by another Yankee, the famed Vermont Senator Justin Morrill, who wanted to bring education to the middle class.
In , it set aside channels for such purposes. Soon afterward the Ford Foundation began to drift toward radical causes, which would have surprised Henry Ford, Sr. However, a turning point came in a speech by Leonard H. Marks explained to Johnson, who had been a teacher in rural Texas, how the new technology would allow one teacher to reach thousands. Though the Act was a breakthrough in terms of getting lawmakers accustomed to the idea of using federal dollars to support educational television, it was too narrow to propel the Education Television project forward, since the money was aimed at creating facilities, not programming.
At that time, yet another philanthropic organization, the Carnegie Corporation, entered the fray. Eventually, the commission proposed by Lowell became the Carnegie Commission on Educational Television, and this entity recommended what became the Public Broadcasting Act and specifically called for the creation of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.
In a letter supporting the idea of a commission, President Johnson wrote:. From our beginning as a nation we have recognized that our security depends upon the enlightenment of our people; that our freedom depends on the communication of many ideas through many channels. I believe that educational television has an important future.
Carnegie set the promotion of culture on a new pedestal. And not only imposed but paid for in major part by everyone. White, the renowned New Yorker essayist who helped the commission with its work, captured the essence of the moment in a letter to the Commission, a passage of which read:.
Non-commercial TV should address itself to the ideal of excellence, not the idea of acceptability — which is what keeps commercial TV from climbing the staircase. I think TV should be providing the visual counterpart of the literary essay, should arouse our dreams, satisfy our hunger for beauty, take us on journeys, enable us to participate in events, present great drama and music, explore the sea and the sky and the woods and the hills.
The spell was cast. Public affairs programming, educational programming and the culture of the s. A significant parallel development was taking place at the time.
National Educational Television which the Ford Foundation had set up had begun to experiment with documentaries, panel discussions and other public affairs programs that it distributed to the stations. At this point, ETRC was officially renamed NET, and we first see the full metamorphosis from educational television to something altogether different: news.
The reason for this change from educational programming to news was simple. Educational programming was not retaining viewers; in order to survive, changes would have to be made to appeal to a larger audience. Kennedy and later for Johnson, who by had become head of the Ford Foundation. It was the first time such a thing had been done, and it drew rave reviews from critics.
The Associated Press reported it thus on Jan. Charles Ponce de Leon writes:. More than any other television program at the time, PBL provided a platform for dissenting political views and controversial artistic projects … Not surprisingly, Westin and his fellow producers were assailed by conservatives.
They were also condemned by many station managers, who were uncomfortable broadcasting a program so clearly informed by the political and cultural radicalism of the era; a number of stations, mostly in the South, refused to air several controversial episodes. But Friendly stood behind Westin. The NET vision was in reality hostile to what Johnson had had in mind.
Everything possible, however, was done in the debates, hearings and writing of the report to ensure that editorializing and opinion-making would not be part of the broadcasts. Johnson and the congressmen who supported the bill wanted it funded from general tax revenue through appropriations, while Friendly fiercely opposed the idea of funding that had to be approved by the federal government.
He thought that requiring approval would be at odds with the public affairs programming that he insisted should be included. He told the Senate Subcommittee:. It wasn't a panel. That sent a message to me. And I think the thing that I said in my email, and maybe this is what stuck out to you, Ira, The resurrection is who I am. I'm gonna be killed, I'll be in the grave and then I will rise again.
And I don't mind that that person was on NPR, but I've listened to NPR for years and I've heard many, many religious shows, and I have not once got to the end of the show and thought, man, I am so glad that that guy was on there.
He said exactly what I wanted him to say. I wouldn't be listening to Morning Edition to get my daily news while I eat my Cheerios and have a cup of coffee if I didn't. But I mean, heck, you wouldn't have gotten so many emails saying the same thing if I was completely barking up the wrong tree, would you? It happens all the time, which is why we'd like you to keep a diary. Would you do that for us? I'm, I'm thrilled to actually have a response.
I'm thrilled to think that someone within the organization cares. He listens at the breakfast table. He listens in the car. But he won't support it because of those moments he just described. But, how to judge the service as a whole? It probably can't be done. He quantifies media for a living. So I asked him if he found measuring bias to be a particularly sticky wicket.
Even evaluating whether the coverage of a candidate is too positive or negative, you have to take into account, well, how is that candidate doing in the polls? One other interesting thing on this question of journalistic bias that can be unconscious: t he Philadelphia Inquirer a few years ago did a study because they were being attacked by pro-Palestinian and pro-Israeli members of the community. So, how reliable is NPR and how biased is it?
The Factual analyzed the near total article output of 32 major news sources between January 1, and May 18, , totaling more than , articles. In total, each of the included news sources published at least 5, articles during the time period, or at least 10 articles per day.
Within this dataset, NPR. As a result, That NPR scores in the 72nd percentile for scores in the dataset. A high grade suggests an article is informative, objective, and written by a topical expert. A low grade means many of these elements were not present or could not be verified. Such articles may still have merit but warrant greater scrutiny. This bias rating applies to all online op-eds, analysis and fact checking content.
A majority of over 5, community members agreed with the Center rating, but in a follow-up survey of members who disagreed, NPR received an average bias score of NPR is a multimedia news organization and radio program producer that serves as a national syndicator to a network of public radio stations in the United States. Its mission is to work with member stations to create a more informed public, one challenged and invigorated by a deeper understanding and appreciation of events, ideas and cultures.
NPR's flagships are two drive time news broadcasts, Morning Edition and the afternoon All Things Considered; both are carried by most NPR member stations, and are two of the most popular radio programs in the country. NPR aims to be independent by generating revenue from fees it charges its member stations, as well as grants from foundations, contributions and sponsorships.
While it's true ownership and financial interests can affect what goes to print, our bias ratings are determined by assessing the bias of content only. We provide financial and ownership information as an FYI to our readers. National Public Radio is an American privately and publicly funded non-profit media organization.
NPR relies upon corporate sponsorships, sustaining members and station and fees for revenue. Financing and ownership information last updated February 8, See full list. Booker , Barbara Sprunt , Marcus J. This list is provided by our. Go ad-free! Support AllSides. Learn more ». Join Now Already on AllSides? Share this rating:. Our records indicate that this outlet does not have a paywall. If this is incorrect, please email us to let us know. If you agree, please consider funding our work.
0コメント